Tag: Abyssinia

ወይዘሮ ዳግማዊት ሞገስን ለከንቲባነት ኢንጂነር ታከለ ኡማን ለማዘጋጃ ቤት ሓላፊነት – ኤርሚያስ ለገሰ


ታሪካዊ መንደርደሪያ

ወቅቱ የኢትዮጵያ የሚሌኒየም አመት (2000 ዓም) መገባደጃ አካባቢ ነበር። የአዲስ አበባ ዳግም ምርጫ ተካሂዶ የከተማው ከንቲባ፣ ካቢኔ ፣ የክፍለ ከተማ ዋና ስራ አስፈፃሚና ካቤኔዎች በኢህአዴግ ቢሮ የምንመድብበት ነበር። ስራው በፍጥነት መሰራት ስለነበረበት አቢይ ኮሚቴ እና ንዑስ ኮሚቴ ተደራጅቶ የሚፈፀምበት ነበር።

አቢይ ኮሚቴው የሚመራው በአቶ በረከት ሲሆን ተመልማዬችን ፕሮፓዛል ይዘን የምንመጣው የኮሚቴው አባላት አቶ አርከበ እቁባይ፣ ህላዌ ዬሴፍ፣ ካሚል አህመድ፣ ፀጋዬ ኃ/ማርያም፣ ፍሬህይወት አያሌው፣ ይሳቅ አበራ(ቆሪጥ) እና እኔ ነበርን።

እናም አቢይ ኮሚቴው በበረከት ቢሮ ተቀምጠን ለመዲናይቱ ከንቲባ፣ ምክትል ከንቲባና ካቢኔ የሚሆኑትን መምረጥ ጀመርን። ለአዲስ አበባ ምክርቤት ከተወዳደሩት አባላት ውስጥ ለከንቲባነት እጩ ሆነው የቀረቡት አቶ ኩማ ደመቅሳ፣ ወይዘሮ አስቴር ማሞ እና አቶ መላኩ ፈንታ ነበሩ።

በመጀመሪያው ዙር በረከት በአቶ መላኩ ፈንታ ላይ ቅሬታ በማንሳቱና ብአዴን ባለበት እንዲቀጥል ትፈልጋለች በማለቱ መላኩ ፈንታ ውድቅ ተደረገ።በክርክሩ ወቅትም ሳይነሳ ቀረ። እናም የተቀሩት ሁለቱ ኦህዴዶች ሆኑ። ኩማ ደመቅሳና አስቴር ማሞ። አሁንም በረከት የድርጅቱ (የባለቤቱ ወይዘሮ አዜብ በተለይ) ፍላጐት ወይዘሮ አስቴር ማሞ ከንቲባ እንድትሆን ነው በማለት እንቅጩን ነገረን። ሁላችንም ተቃወምን። በተለይ አርከበ በንዴት እየተንጨረጨረ ቅሬታውን አቀረበ። ይህም ሆኖ የድርጅቱ እና የሚስታቸው ውሳኔ በመሆኑ የሚቀለበስ ነገር እንደሌለ ተነገረን። የመጨረሻ ቀጠሮ ለሚቀጥለው ሳምንት አስረን ተለያየን።

የቀጠሮው ቀን እስኪደርስ የነበሩት ቀናት የአዲስ አበባ ኢህአዴግ ስራ አስፈፃሚ ለነበርን ሰዎች ከፍተኛ ሴራ ከጠነሰስንበት ጊዜያቶች የላቀውን የሚይዝበት ነበር።

በአንድ በኩል በካድሬዎች አማካኝነት የአዲስ አበባ ሕዝብ በወቅቱ የመከላከያ ሚኒስትር የነበረው ኩማ ደመቅሳ ከንቲባ እንዲሆን መፈለጉት አሰራጨን። ከሰላሳ ሺህ በላይ መጠይቆችን በማዘጋጀትና በመሙላት 75 በመቶ ኩማን፣ 15 በመቶ መላኩ ፈንታንና 3 በመቶ ወይዘሮ አስቴርን ከንቲባ ሆነው ማየት እንደሚፈልግ አመላከትን።

በሌላ በኩል ተነባቢ ለነበሩ የግል ጋዜጦች ቀጣዩ ከንቲባ አቶ ኩማ ደመቅሳ እንደሚሆን የውስጥ መረጃ በመስጠት ጋዜጦቹን በኩማ ፎቶ አደመቅናቸው። አጣብቂኝ ውስጥ የገባው ድርጅቱ ሃሳቡን ቀይሮ ኩማ ደመቅሳን ከንቲባ ለመመደብ ተገደደ።

ከሁሉም አስቂኙ ነገር አቶ ኩማ ከንቲባ እንደሚሆን የተነገረው ምክርቤቱ ሊጠራ በዋዜማው ስለነበር ድንግርግሩ ወጥቶ ነበር። በቴሌቪዥን የቀጥታ ስርጭት ያነበበው የአስተዳደሩ የአመቱ መሪ እቅድ የተመለከተው የእለቱ እለት ነበር። በአካልና በስም የማያውቃቸውን የካቢኔ አባላት ጽብፃብ ኮስተር ብሎ ሲያነብ ራሱ ያዘጋጃቸው ይመስል ነበር። ኩማ ደመቅሳ እንዲህ ነበር።

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ከላይ የተጠቀሰውን ታሪክ ወደ ኃላ ሄጄ የማነሳበት የተወሰኑ ምክንያቶች አሉኝ። እስከ አሁን ድረስ የአዲስ አበባ ከንቲባነት የሚገኘው በህዝብ ምርጫ ሳይሆን በፓርቲ ምደባ እና ክፍፍል ነው። ከንቲባውም ተጠሪነቱ ለፓርቲውና ለመደበው ግለሰብ ነው። ይሄ ባልተለወጠበት ሁኔታ የፓርቲ ምደባ ላይ መሻኮትና እርስ በራስ መደባደብ የለውጥ ሂደቱን እንዳይፋጠን ከማድረግ ውጪ የሚፈይደው ነገር የለም። ከዚህ አንፃር ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር ዶክተር አቢይ “ በሁሉም መራጭ ህዝብ ያልተመረጠ ሰው ፕሬዝዳንት (“ከንቲባ”) ነኝ ሊል እንደምን ይቻለዋል?” በማለት የተናገሩትን ማስታወስ ይበጃል።

እናም ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትሩን መጨቅጨቅ ያለብን በቀጣዩ ምርጫ የአዲስ አበባ ከንቲባ የሚሆነው ከ1 ሚሊዬን የአዲሳባ መራጭ ውስጥ ከግማሽ ሚሊዬን በላይ የመረጠው ብቻ እንዲሆን ቻርተሩን እንዲያሻሽሉልን ነው። የአዲስ አበባ አጠቃላይ መራጭ ህዝብ ወደ አንድ ሚሊዬን ይጠጋል የሚል ታሳቢ ወስጄ ነው። እናም ይሄ የጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር ዶክተር አቢይ ፍፁም ፍላጐት ከመሆኑም በላይ የመዲናይቱን የፓለቲካ ሽኩቻና የዘር መጓተት ተቋማዊ በሆነ መንገድ የሚፈታ ይሆናል። አንድ ድምፅ ለአንድ ሰው የሚል መርሆ ያለው የፕሮፌሰር መረራ ፓርቲም በውሳኔው ደስተኛ እንደሚሆን አልጠራጠርም። መቼም በዚህ የውሳኔ ሃሳብ የሚከፋ ሰው ካለ ወይ ዲሞክራሲ አልገባውም አሊያም ለአዲስ አበባ ህዝብ ክብር የለውም። አልፎ ከሄደም የአዲስ አበባን ህዝብ ይጠላል። ድፍን የአዲስ አበባ ህዝብ በግሉ የምርጫ ውሳኔ ከንቲባውን መርጦ ሲደሰት የሚከፋው ከሆነ ቦታው አማኑኤል መሆን አለበት።

ከዚህ በተጨማሪም ከግማሽ ሚሊዬን በላይ የሚሆነው የአዲስ አበባ ህዝብ የመረጠው ከንቲባም ደረቱን ነፍቶ “ ሕዝብ የመረጠኝ ነኝ!” ማለት ይችላል።ትችላለች።

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ወይዘሮ ዳግማዊ ሞገስ የአዲስ አበባ ከንቲባ

ከላይ የተቀመጠው የቻርተር ማሻሻያ የውሳኔ ሃሳብ ወደ ተግባር እስኪለወጥ ድረስ የሚመደበው ከንቲባ በህዝብ ያልተመረጠ በመሆኑ ራሱን እንደ ሽግግር ከንቲባ መውሰድ ይኖርበ(ባ)ታል። ይሄ(ቺ) ከንቲባ ጊዜያዊ እንደመሆኑ(ኗ) መጠን በተቻለ መጠን የህዝቡን ውስን ፍላጐቶች ቢያ(ታ)ሟላ ጥሩ ይሆናል።

በመሆኑም ክቡር ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትሩ ጨዋውን ፣ ያላሳፈሮትን፣ በችግር ጊዜ ከጐኖ ቆሞ ያኮራዎትን የአዲስ አበባ ነዋሪ ፍላጐት ለማሟላት ወይዘሮ ዳግማዊ ሞገስን በከንቲባነት ፣ ኢንጂነር ታከለ ኡማንን ደግሞ በማዘጋጃ ቤት ሓላፊነት እንዲመርጡ ፍቃድሆ ይሁን። የዛሬ ውሳኔዎትን መልሰው አጢነውት ሽግሽጉን በአስቸኳይ ይፈፁሙ። አለበለዚያም ምክንያቶን ያስረዱ።

ወይዘሮ ዳግማዊ ሞገስ የአስተዳደሩ ከንቲባ እንድትሆን የማቀርባቸው ምክንያቶች ከብዙ በጥቂቱ የሚከተሉት ናቸው።

1. ዳግማዊት አዲስ አበባ ተወልዳ ያደገች ናት። የኮልፌ ቀራንዬ ልጅ የሆነችው ዳግማዊት አዲስ አበባን ከግር እስከ ራሷ ታውቃታለች። የህዝቡን ማንነት እና ስነ ልቦና ጠንቅቃ ትገነዘባለች።

2. ዳግማዊት ወደ አዲስ አበባ መስተዳድር ስናመጣት የአዲስ አበባ ዩንቨርስቲ መምህር ነበረች። በዛን ሰአት እድሜዋ ከ21 እስከ 23 አመት ውስጥ እንደነበር አስታውሳለሁ። በአሁን ሰአትም እድሜዋ ከ33 የሚበልጥ አይመስለኝም። ዳግማዊት በዩንቨርስቲው መምህር ሆና ልትቀር የቻለችው በትምህርቷ በጣም ጐበዝና የከፍተኛ ማዕረግ ምሩቅ ስለነበረች ነው። የዩንቨርስቲ መምህርነቷን ለቃ ስትመጣ በፍፁም ህዝብ የማገልገል ፍላጐት ሰንቃ የመጣች ሲሆን በዝዋይ አላጌ በነበረው የሁለት ወር ስልጠናም በቅርበት ማረጋገጥ የቻልኩት ሁለንተናዊ እይታዋን ነው።

በነገራችን ላይ በአንድ ወቅት ዩንቨርስቲውን ለቃ መምጣቷ ቅር እንደሚያሰኘኝ ሳልደብቅ ነግሬያታለሁ። ያለምንም ጥርጥር በዩንቨርስቲ ቆይታዋ ቢራዘም ኖሮ ሶስተኛ ዲግሪዋን ይዛ ለጠቅላይ ሚኒስትርነት የምትወዳደርበት አቅም ታዳብር ነበር።

3. ወይዘሮ ዳግማዊት ሞገስ የአዲስ አበባ ምክርቤትና የካቢኔው አባል ስለሆነች ክቡርነትዎ እሷን ጊዜያዊ ከንቲባ ለማድረግ ህገ መንግስትና ቻርተር መጣስ አይጠበቅቦትም። በአዲስ አበባ ታሪክም የሚያስቀምጡት ጥቁር ጠባሳ ሳይሆን የተስፋ ብርሃን ይሆናል። ወጣቷ ወይዘሮ ከክፍለ ከተማ ጀምሮ የመዲናይቱን ቢሮክራሲና አሰራር የተመለከቱት ስለሆነ የእሮሶ ድጋፍ ከተጨመረበት በአጭር ጊዜ የለውጥ ሃዋርያው መሪ ትሆናለች።

4. እስከማውቀው ድረስ ወይዘሮ ዳግማዊት ሌብነት እና ዝርፊያን የምትጠየፍ እንስት ናት። ሙሉ ፍላጐቷ ህዝብ የማገልገል ስለሆነ እንደዚህ አይነት ራስን ዝቅ የሚያደርግ ወራዳ ስራ ውስጥ እጇን የምትነክር አይመስለኝም። እርሶም በአሁን ሰአት የምክትል ከንቲባ ማዕረግ የሰጧት ይሄን ተመልክተው ይመስለኛል።

5. ወጣት ዳግማዊት የጠንካራ ሴት ተምሳሌት ናት። ይህቺን አርአያ የምትሆን ጠንካራ ሴት እስከ ዛሬ በኢትዮጵያ ታሪክ ውስጥ ታይቶ በማይታወቅ ሁኔታ በከንቲባነት መሾም ትልቅ ክብር ነው። የሴትየዋ ስም በታሪክ ውስጥ ሲነሳ የእርሶም ስም አብሮ ይነሳል። እስቲ ይታዮት ከእለታት አንዲቷ ቀን የማዘጋጃ ቤት የምክር ቤት አዳራሽ ገብተው የተሰቀሉትን ከመጀመሪያ እስከ ዛሬ የነበሩ ከንቲባዎች ውስጥ የአንዲት ሴት ፎቶ ብቻ ተሰቅሎ ሲመለከቱ የሚሰማዎት ስሜት? ያውም በእርሶ ዘመን። የዛኔ እኛም “ታሪክ በታሪክ ሰሪዎቹ ተሰራ!” ብለን ለመፃፍ እንታደላለን። እናም ክቡር ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር ሳይረፍድብዎ ታሪክ ይስሩ።

ኢንጂነር ታከለ ኡማን የአዲስ አበባ ማዘጋጃ ቤት ሓላፊ

ኢንጂነር ታከለ ኡማንን የማዘጋጃ ቤት ኃላፊ እንዲሆን የምፈልግበት ምክንያት በአጭሩ ልግለፅ። እንደገባኝ ከሆነ ኢንጂነር ታከለን የፈለጉበት ምክንያት በዋናነት የኦሮሞ ብሔረሰብ ተወላጅ በመሆኑ ሳይሆን የእርሶ የለውጥ ሐዋርያ ቡድን ውስጥ የታቀፈ ሰው ስለሆነ ይመስለኛል። ባይሆን ኖሮ የድርጅቶ ፕሮግራም የተገለፀበትን ህገ መንግስት እና ቻርተር እስከ መጣስ የሚያዘልቆት አይመስለኝም። እንደዚህ ከሆነ ዘንዳ ህግ ሳይጥሱ ይሄን የእርሶ የለውጥ ሐዋርያ ቁልፍ ቦታ ላይ መመደብ የሚቻልበት እድል አለ።

በእኔ እምነት በአዲስ አበባ የስልጣን እርከን ውስጥ ሶስት ቁልፍ ቦታዎች አሉ። ከንቲባ፣ የማዘጋጃ ቤት ሐላፊ እና የፓርቲ ጽህፈት ቤት ሐላፊ። እነዚህን ሶስት ቦታዎች በእርሶ የለውጥ ሐዋርያ ቡድን መቆጣጠር ከቻሉ ሌላው እዳው ገብስ ነው። ዛሬ የማዘጋጃ ቤቱ እና የፓርቲው ጽህፈት ቤት የተያዘው የቀን ጅቦች በሆኑት የህውሓት ካድሬዎች በሆኑት ሓይሌ ፍስሃና ተወልደ ነው። እነዚህን አደገኛ ሰዎች ወደ መጡበት ማሰናበት ጊዜ የሚሰጠው አይደለም። ለበለጠ መረጃ አጠገቦት ቺፍ ኦፍ ስታፍ ያደረጉትና የቀድሞ የአዲስ አበባ ጥቃቅን ሐላፊ የነበረውን ፍፁም አረጋ መጠየቅ ይችላሉ።

ግልባጭ: ለፍፁም አረጋ (ቺፍ ኦፍ ስታፍ)

ለማ መገርሳ( ፕሬዝዳንት)

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Stop Confusing the Ethiopian Flag with the Insignias and Emblems of Ethiopia’s Changing Regimes [by Birihanemeskel Abebe Segni]


Let’s stop confusing the Ethiopian flag with the Insignia and Emblems of Ethiopia’s changing regimes. Each Ethiopian regimes from Emperor Menelik to Emperor Haile Selassie and from the Derg Regime to the TPLF regime adopted their own insignia and emblems and inscribed it on the Ethiopian flag. Those insignias and emblems were changing as the regimes change.

Continue reading “Stop Confusing the Ethiopian Flag with the Insignias and Emblems of Ethiopia’s Changing Regimes [by Birihanemeskel Abebe Segni]”

በተለያዩ አካባቢዎች እየተደረገ ላለው ድጋፍ ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር ዶክተር አቢይ አህመድ የምስጋና መልዕክት አስተላለፉ


የተከበራችሁ የሀገራችን ህዝቦች ሆይ

ምስጋና ከሚቀበል ሰው ይልቅ ምስጋና የሚሰጥ ታላቅ ነው፡፡ ያለ ጥርጥር ይህንን እንረዳለን፡፡ ባለፉት ሶስት ወራት ውስጥ በሀገራችን እየታየ ያለው የለውጥ ጭላንጭል፤ አሁን የሀገራችን ህዝብ እየሰጠን ካለው ወሰን አልባ ድጋፍ እና ፍቅር ጋር የሚወዳደር እንዳልሆነ ብንገነዘብም መንግስት ይሄንን ድጋፍ ፣ ፍቅር ፣ ክብር እና አለኝታነት ለተሰሩ ስራዎች እንደተሰጠ ምስጋና ብቻ ሳይሆን በቀጣይ እንሰራቸው ዘንድ ለሚገቡን በርካታ ስራዎች ተግባራዊነት የተላለፈ የአደራ መልእክት እንዲሁም የአጋርነት ማሳያ አድርጎ በመቁጠር ከምን ጊዜውም በላይ በፍጹም ቁርጠኝነት እና ትጋት ለማገልገል በጽናት ይሰራል፡፡ Continue reading “በተለያዩ አካባቢዎች እየተደረገ ላለው ድጋፍ ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር ዶክተር አቢይ አህመድ የምስጋና መልዕክት አስተላለፉ”

Ethiopia demands Britain return all country’s artefacts held by Victoria and Albert Museum


Ethiopia has demanded Britain permanently return all artefacts that originated in the African country but are now held by the Victoria and Albert Museum. Continue reading “Ethiopia demands Britain return all country’s artefacts held by Victoria and Albert Museum”

ANALYSIS: STORM ON ETHIOPIA’S DOORSTEPS: TACKLING CONVULSIONS IN THE GREATER MIDDLE EAST AND NORTHEAST AFRICA


The latest crisis in Ethiopia following the killing of civilians by army members in Moyale has so far displaced above 40, 000 Ethiopians

Continue reading “ANALYSIS: STORM ON ETHIOPIA’S DOORSTEPS: TACKLING CONVULSIONS IN THE GREATER MIDDLE EAST AND NORTHEAST AFRICA”

የዶክተር አብይ የብቃት ምዘና ፈተና – በድሬቲዩብ


ዝመተኛው የኢህአዴግ ስራ አስፈፃሚ ግምገማ እንደቀጠለ ነው፡፡ የገዥው ፓርቲ ኮምኒስታዊ ዓመል ጎልቶ የሚሰተዋልበት እንዲህ ያለው ስብሰባ ለብዙ መላምቶች የተጋለጠ መሆኑ እሙን ነው፡፡ ለዚህም ይመሰላል ሁሉም በየፊናው የቢሆን ዓለሙን ፈጥሮ ስለ ግመገማው እየፃፈ፣ እየዘገበ፣ እያወራ የሚገኘው፡፡

Continue reading “የዶክተር አብይ የብቃት ምዘና ፈተና – በድሬቲዩብ”

ኢትዮጵያውያን በዘር ፍጅትና በእርስ በእርስ ጦርነት ከመተላለቃችን በፊት ሕወሐት/ኢሕአዴግ በአስቸኳይ ከስልጣን ይውረድ!!!


(ከሰማያዊ ብሔራዊ ሸንጎ የተሰጠ መግለጫ)

መስከረም 07 ቀን 2010 ዓ.ም
አዲስ አበባ

ኢትዮጵያዊ ዜጋ ስልጣን የለውም፡፡

Continue reading “ኢትዮጵያውያን በዘር ፍጅትና በእርስ በእርስ ጦርነት ከመተላለቃችን በፊት ሕወሐት/ኢሕአዴግ በአስቸኳይ ከስልጣን ይውረድ!!!”

Divine Ethiopia



Its landscapes are biblical and its rituals haven’t changed for centuries. But amid the cave churches and primitive tribes are new lodges – and helicopters (or donkeys) to reach them

Sunday Service in the church of Abuna Yemata Guh  requires nerves of steel. Yet they assured me the congregations were good. “Don’t worry,” the priest fussed. “Pregnant women are attending, old people are attending, tiny children are attending.”

I wasn’t sure I would be attending. I was standing on a narrow ledge. Below me was a 1,000ft drop to the valley floor. Somewhere above me, beyond a sheer polished cliff, was the church. My legs felt like water. I was sweating in places I had never sweated before. At that moment, the eye of a needle seemed easier to negotiate. “You must try,” the priest whispered. “God is watching.”

There are moments when Ethiopia seems to belong to an atlas of the imagination – part legend, part fairy-tale, part Old Testament book, part pulling your leg. In this land of wonders there are medieval castles of a black Camelot, monasteries among Middle Earth peaks accessible only by rope and chains, the ruined palace of the Queen of Sheba and the original Ten Commandments in a sealed box guarded by mute monks with killer instincts.

In the northern highlands priests with white robes and shepherds’ crooks appear to have stepped out of a Biblical painting. In the southern river valleys bare-breasted tribeswomen, who scar their torsos for erotic effect and insert plates the size of table mats in their lower lips, seemed to have emerged from a National Geographic magazine circa 1930. Ethiopia “resembles no other country in Africa”, wrote the great explorer Wilfred Thesiger, “or anywhere else.”

Its isolation is legendary. Not only was Ethiopia never colonised, but it also inflicted the greatest defeat on a European army in the history of the continent – at the Battle of Adwa in 1896. It was only the Italians, of course, but it still counts. Ethiopians were “forgetful of the world”, Edward Gibbon wrote, “by whom they were forgotten”. For long medieval centuries Europeans believed that Ethiopia was home to Prester John, legendary Christian ruler, descendant of one of the three Magi, keeper of the Fountain of Youth, protector of the Holy Grail, and all-round good guy who would one day rescue the Holy Land from the Muslims.

Crossing the threshold of the church of Medhane Alem in Lalibela , I seemed to step back a thousand years. Cut by shafts of dusty light from high windows, the interior gloom was scented with frankincense. I came round a pillar to find a dozen priests leaning on their croziers, chanting in Ge’ez , a language no one has spoken since the Middle Ages. The sound was a curious cross between Gregorian plainsong and a nasal Arabic call to prayer. These were among the earliest Christian rites, unchanged for well over 1,500 years. Worshippers sat on the ground against the bare stone walls, wearing clothes that wouldn’t have been out of place in the Book of Genesis. They gazed mournfully at a pair of threadbare theatrical curtains. Beyond the curtains lay the inner sanctum, the Holy of Holies , which held the Ark of the Covenant .

For a country with so much to offer, it is surprising to find tourism in Ethiopia still in its infancy. The war and famine of the 1970s and 80s, though now almost ancient history, may be partly responsible. But a deeper issue may be a feature of the national character – a lack of entrepreneurial urgency. Ethiopia may not be big on stylish boutiques hotels, littered with objets d’art and architectural magazines, but it is a delightfully old-fashioned place, with ravishing landscapes, sleepy villages and friendly, unhurried people.

It is difficult to pick a single destination from Ethiopia’s treasure chest, but first-time visitors shouldn’t miss Lalibela and its remarkable churches, all below ground level, and all carved from the rock as entire buildings with surrounding courtyards, exterior walls and roofs. Historians are uncertain about much of their history but Ethiopians have a handle on it. A celestial team of angels came in at night to help out after the terrestrial workforce had clocked off.

There are always two histories in Ethiopia: the history of historians, sometimes a trifle vague, often tentative; and the history of Ethiopians, a people’s history, confident, detailed, splendid, often fantastical. The two rarely coincide. Historians are still wringing their hands about the mysteries of Aksum  in Tigray  in the north, with its colossal stelae, its underground tombs, its ruined palaces and its possible connections to the Queen of Sheba. For a thousand years, until about AD 700, it was a dominant power in the region, “the last of the great civilisations of antiquity”, according to Neville Chittick , the archaeologist, “to be revealed to modern knowledge”.

Fortunately, the Ethiopians are on hand to fill in most of the historical blanks. The city was founded, they say, by the great-grandson of Noah. For 400 years it was ruled by a serpent who enjoyed a diet of milk and virgins. Historians may be divided about the Queen of Sheba but Ethiopians know she set off from here to Jerusalem with 797 camels and lot of rather racy lingerie to seduce King Solomon. Historians carelessly lost track of the Ten Commandments not long after Moses came down from Mount Sinai. Ethiopians have the originals under lock and key in a chapel in Aksum, guarded by those mute monks, assigned to kill all intruders.

The landscapes of Tigray are appropriately Biblical. It is a world where everything comes and goes by foot or hoof, a world of timeless villages perched beneath vast mesas and plunging ravines, a world where it is possible to imagine startling young men turning water into wine. With my bag loaded onto a Palm Sunday donkey, I set off on a three-day walk down the Erar Valley . I strolled through the latticed shade of eucalyptus trees, past scented banks of sage and mint, past stands of prickly pear and neatly ploughed fields framed by irrigation channels. I rested under the shade of vast fig trees beneath colonies of hornbills, bee-eaters and firefinches. A man in a white robe was winnowing wheat, tossing yellow forkfuls into the air, allowing the wind to take the chaff. Children ghosted out of orchards with home-made toys: a ball of goatskin and twine, a doll of twigs and wool. In the late morning I passed people coming back from the weekly market, two hours’ walk away. They were carrying some of life’s essentials: bags of rice, new sickles, bolts of bright cloth, blocks of salt that had come up from the Danakil Desert  by camel caravan. Everyone stopped to greet me with handshakes and smiles.

The trek was part of a new community project. The guides and the transport – my faithful donkey – were provided by local villagers who, with the help of NGOs, have also built hedamos,  or guesthouses. There is something special about these Tigrayan guesthouses – their location. Tigray is a mountainous region, characterised by ambas: dramatic, sheer-sided, flat-topped mountains. Most of the treks are easygoing, following the valley floors through pastoral landscapes. But towards the end of each day I started to climb with the guide, following steep paths along narrow rising ledges, to the summits of these anvil-headed ambas.

On the top, we emerged into a whole new world of luminous light and distant views. Here we found our home for the night, the community hedamo, perched in splendid isolation on the lip of a colossal escarpment, perhaps 3,000ft above the landscapes below. The views were breathtaking. We looked straight down, past circling eagles, to the world we had just left – ploughed fields, stone tukuls, eddying sheep, tiny white-robed figures trailing along dust lanes. Farther away, rivers carved swathes of ancient earth, canyons yawned open and valleys tumbled into one another. Farther still, mountains patrolled the horizons. With a slight turn of the head, I took in hundreds of miles.

At Erar and Shimbrety , the stone-built guesthouses, with their little courtyards and roof terraces, were comfortable but basic. Village women prepared delicious Ethiopian dinners that made little concession to Western tastes. The loos, Western-style, were in spartan huts. Washing facilities were wooden buckets of warm water. There was no electricity, just lanterns and candles. Yet these felt like the most luxurious places I had ever stayed. It was the luxury of unique experience, of meeting local villagers on their own ground, of engaging with an ancient way of life, of being far from tourism’s well-trodden trails. And it was the luxury of spectacular location. I have never been anywhere with more stunning views.

At Erar, night came with equatorial suddenness. A troop of gelada baboons , 30 or so strong, made their way home across the summit of the amba after a day’s feeding. They climbed down over the edge of the escarpment to precipitous ledges where they would be safe from leopards. The sun set over distant, mythical-looking mountains. When I turned round, a fat full moon was rising directly behind me. The world seemed to be in perfect balance.

Tigray, too, has its remarkable buildings. Scattered across these mountains are more than 120 ancient churches, most excavated in remote rock-faces like caves. Until the 1960s they were virtually unknown to the outside world. Older than the churches at Lalibela, they are little understood by historians. Which means we are left with the fabulous oral history of the Ethiopians.

Abuna Yemata Guh  is one of the more challenging churches to reach. A rock butte soared above us; I was getting a crick in my neck and a serious case of vertigo just looking at it. I imagined, as with the sheer-sided ambas, that there would be some circuitous path, some scrambling route to the top. It was only when we had trekked up from the valley floor and gained the narrow ledge that I began to realise I was going to have to climb a cliff-face, in fact several cliff-faces, to get to church.

A priest was waiting on the ledge, with the kind of morbid face usually reserved for the last rites. He advised me to remove my shoes and socks; bare feet would give me a better grip. It turned out that two men, who I had assumed to be casual passers-by, were in fact there to try to prevent me from plummeting to my death.

We started to climb. My two assistants, one above and one below, guided me to precarious foot- and hand-holds. This was rock climbing without the ropes, the safety harness or the Chris Bonington confidence. Spread-eagled on the cliff-face, clinging to the minor indentations that passed for handholds, I felt a trifle out of my comfort zone. Had I know what was in for, I would probably not have chosen Abuna Yemata Guh for a casual visit.

But once I reached it, I was thrilled I had. The climb might be hair-raising but the church is unmissable.

At the top of the cliff, not daring to look down, I gazed ahead, just in time to see a side-chamber full of bones – the priest insisted they were deceased clerics, not fallen visitors. Then I shuffled along a narrow ledge and came to a cave-like opening. The priest wrestled with a key the size of a cricket bat. A door opened and I stepped into the gloom of the tiny church, hardly larger than a modest drawing room. As my eyes adjusted, I became aware of faces round the walls. Then the priest lit a torch and held it aloft. Suddenly the dark walls were alive with figures: apostles and saints, prophets and the archangels, Mary and the infant Christ. The famous Nine Saints from the Levant , who had brought Christianity to Ethiopia in the fifth century, were here, as was Saint Yared,  who wrote so many of the early Ethiopian chants. The builder of this cliff church was here, Abu Yemata, mounted on a horse and accompanied by his nephew Benjamin, who had painted the murals.

The priest, a humble villager, told me the stories that swarmed across these walls. He told the stories as they had been told to him, as they had been handed down from one priest to the next from the earliest days of the Christian era. He referred to the apostles as if they were old friends. He talked of the saints as if they were men who had known his grandparents. He told me about the groom who had neglected Yemata’s horse. Yemata had turned him into a weasel. There, he said, bringing his torch near to the wall, illuminating a small weasel-headed man beneath the horse.

I asked why the church was here, so difficult to access, so high in these cliffs. The priest said it was for reasons of safety – it may well have been built when Christianity was still vulnerable. Then he added: “We are closer to God here, away from our world, and closer to His.” He lifted an ancient text enclosed in an ox-hide satchel from a nail on the wall. He asked if he should say prayers. I said I thought a few words might be a good idea. After all, I still had to get down that cliff-face.

Journeys by Design (01273 623790; journeysbydesign.com) can organise a two-week private journey to Ethiopia, including Lalibela, a three-night trek through northern Tigray staying in Gheralta Lodge, and three nights at Bale Mountain Lodge, from £6,200 per person, excluding international flights. A seven-night helicopter safari to include all of the above, plus a flight to 300ft below sea level in the Danakil Depression, costs from £19,810 per person, based on four sharing a Eurocopter B4.

This feature appears in the summer issue of Ultratravel, the Telegraph’s luxury-travel magazine, available on Saturday May 30


Source: Telegraph

Emperor Haile Selassie I


EthiopiaAfter a failed assassination attempt against Graziani on February 19, 1937, the colonial authorities executed 30,000 persons, including about half of the younger, educated Ethiopian population.


 

THE INTERREGNUM

The two years of Menelik’s reign that followed the death of Ras Tessema in 1911 found real power in the hands of Ras (later Negus) Mikael of Welo, an Oromo and former Muslim, who had converted to Christianity under duress. Mikael could muster an army of 80,000 in his predominantly Muslim province and commanded the allegiance of Oromo outside it. In December 1913, Menelik died, but fear of civil war induced the court to keep his death secret for some time. Although recognized as emperor, Menelik’s nephew, Lij Iyasu, was not formally crowned. The old nobility quickly attempted to reassert its power, which Menelik had undercut, and united against Lij Iyasu. At the outbreak of World War I, encouraged by his father and by German and Turkish diplomats, Lij Iyasu adopted the Islamic faith. Seeking to revive Muslim-Oromo predominance, Lij Iyasu placed the eastern half of Ethiopia under Ras Mikael’s control, officially placed his country in religious dependence on the Ottoman sultan-caliph, and established cordial relations with Somali leader Muhammad Abdullah Hassan.

The Shewan nobility immediately secured excommunicating Lij Iyasu and deposing him as emperor from the head of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church a proclamation. Menelik’s daughter, Zawditu, was declared empress. Tafari Mekonnen, the son of Ras Mekonnen of Harer (who was a descendant of a Shewan negus and a supporter of the nobles), was declared regent and heir to the throne and given the title of ras. By virtue of the power and prestige he derived from his achievements as one of Menelik’s generals, Habte Giorgis, the minister of war and a traditionalist, continued to play a major role in government affairs until his death in 1926. Although Lij Iyasu was captured in a brief military campaign in 1921 and imprisoned until his death in 1936, his father, Negus Mikael, continued for some time to pose a serious challenge to the government in Addis Ababa. The death of Habte Giorgis in 1926 left Tafari in effective control of the government. In 1928 he was crowned negus. When the empress died in 1930, Tafari succeeded to the throne without contest. Seventeen years after the death of Menelik, the succession struggle thus ended in favor of Tafari.

Well before his crowning as negus, Tafari began to introduce a degree of modernization into Ethiopia. As early as 1920, he ordered administrative regulations and legal code books from various European countries to provide models for his newly created bureaucracy. Ministers were also appointed to advise the regent and were given official accommodations in the capital. To ensure the growth of a class of educated young men who might be useful in introducing reforms in the years ahead, Tafari promoted government schooling. He enlarged the school Menelik had established for the sons of nobles and founded Tafari Mekonnen Elementary School in 1925. In addition, he took steps to improve health and social services.

Tafari also acted to extend his power base and to secure allies abroad. In 1919, after efforts to gain membership in the League of Nations were blocked because of the existence of slavery in Ethiopia, he (and Empress Zawditu) complied with the norms of the international community by banning the slave trade in 1923. That same year, Ethiopia was unanimously voted membership in the League of Nations. Continuing to seek international approval of the country’s internal conditions, the government enacted laws in 1924 that provided for the gradual emancipation of slaves and their offspring and created a government bureau to oversee the process. The exact degree of servitude was difficult to determine, however, as the majority of slaves worked in households and were considered, at least among Amhara and Tigray, to be second-class family members.

Ethiopia signed a twenty-year treaty of friendship with Italy in 1928, providing for an Ethiopian free-trade zone at Aseb in Eritrea and the construction of a road from the port to Dese in Welo. A joint company controlled road traffic. Contact with the outside world expanded further when the emperor engaged a Belgian military mission in 1929 to train the royal bodyguards. In 1930 negotiations started between Ethiopia and various international banking institutions for the establishment of the Bank of Ethiopia. In the same year, Tafari signed the Arms Traffic Act with Britain, France, and Italy, by which unauthorized persons were denied the right to import arms. The act also recognized the government’s right to procure arms against external aggression and to maintain internal order.

THE PREWAR PERIOD, 1930-36

Although Empress Zawditu died in April 1930, it was not until November that Negus Tafari was crowned Haile Selassie I, “Conquering Lion of the Tribe of Judah, Elect of God, and King of Kings of Ethiopia.” As emperor, Haile Selassie continued to push reforms aimed at modernizing the country and breaking the nobility’s authority. Henceforth, the great rases were forced either to obey the emperor or to engage in treasonable opposition to him.

In July 1931, the emperor granted a constitution that asserted his own status, reserved imperial succession to the line of Haile Selassie, and declared that “the person of the Emperor is sacred, his dignity inviolable, and his power indisputable.” All power over central and local government, the legislature, the judiciary, and the military remained with the emperor. The constitution was essentially an effort to provide a legal basis for replacing the traditional provincial rulers with appointees loyal to the emperor.

The new strength of the imperial government was demonstrated in 1932 when a revolt led by Ras Hailu Balaw of Gojam in support of Lij Iyasu was quickly suppressed and a new nontraditional governor put in Hailu’s place. By 1934 reliable provincial rulers had been established throughout the traditional Amhara territories of Shewa, Gojam, and Begemdir, as well as in Kefa and Sidamo–well outside the core Amhara area. The only traditional leader capable of overtly challenging central rule at this point was the ras of Tigray. Other peoples, although in no position to confront the emperor, remained almost entirely outside the control of the imperial government.

Although Haile Selassie placed administrators of his own choosing wherever he could and thus sought to limit the power of the rases and other nobles with regional power bases, he did not directly attack the systems of land tenure that were linked to the traditional political order. Abolition of the pattern of gult rights in the Amhara-Tigray highlands and the system of land allocation in the south would have amounted to a social and economic revolution that Haile Selassie was not prepared to undertake.

ITALIAN ADMINISTRATION IN ERITREA

A latecomer to the scramble for colonies in Africa, Italy established itself first in Eritrea (its name was derived from the Latin term for the Red Sea, Mare Erythreum) in the 1880s and secured Ethiopian recognition of its claim in 1889. Despite its failure to penetrate Tigray in 1896, Italy retained control over Eritrea. A succession of Italian chief administrators, or governors, maintained a degree of unity and public order in a region marked by cultural, linguistic, and religious diversity. Eritrea also experienced material progress in many areas before Ethiopia proper did so.

One of the most important developments during the post-1889 period was the growth of an Eritrean public administration. The Italians employed many Eritreans to work in public service–particularly the police and public works–and fostered loyalty by granting Eritreans emoluments and status symbols. The local population shared in the benefits conferred under Italian colonial administration, especially through newly created medical services, agricultural improvements, and the provision of urban amenities in Asmera and Mitsiwa.

After Benito Mussolini assumed power in Italy in 1922, the colonial government in Eritrea changed. The new administration stressed the racial and political superiority of Italians, authorized segregation, and relegated the local people to the lowest level of public employment. At the same time, Rome implemented agricultural improvements and established a basis for commercial agriculture on farms run by Italian colonists.

State control of the economic sphere was matched by tighter political control. Attempts at improving the management of the colony, however, did not transform it into a selfsufficient entity. The colony’s most important function was to serve as a strategic base for future aggrandizement.

MUSSOLINI’S INVASION AND THE ITALIAN OCCUPATION

As late as September 29, 1934, Rome affirmed its 1928 treaty of friendship with Ethiopia. Nonetheless, it became clear that Italy wished to expand and link its holdings in the Horn of Africa. Moreover, the international climate of the mid-1930s provided Italy with the expectation that aggression could be undertaken with impunity. Determined to provoke a casus belli, the Mussolini regime began deliberately exploiting the minor provocations that arose in its relations with Ethiopia.

In December 1934, an incident took place at Welwel in the Ogaden, a site of wells used by Somali nomads regularly traversing the borders between Ethiopia and British Somaliland and Italian Somaliland. The Italians had built fortified positions in Welwel in 1930 and, because there had been no protests, assumed that the international community had recognized their rights over this area. However, an Anglo-Ethiopian boundary commission challenged the Italian position when it visited Welwel in late November 1934 on its way to set territorial boundary markers. On encountering Italian belligerence, the commission’s members withdrew but left behind their Ethiopian military escort, which eventually fought a battle with Italian units.

In September 1935, the League of Nations exonerated both parties in the Welwel incident. The long delay and the intricate British and French maneuverings persuaded Mussolini that no obstacle would be placed in his path. An Anglo-French proposal in August 1935–just before the League of Nations ruling–that the signatories to the 1906 Tripartite Treaty collaborate for the purpose of assisting in the modernization and reorganization of Ethiopian internal affairs, subject to the consent of Ethiopia, was flatly rejected by the Italians. On October 3, 1935, Italy attacked Ethiopia from Eritrea and Italian Somaliland without a declaration of war. On October 7, the League of Nations unanimously declared Italy an aggressor but took no effective action.

In a war that lasted seven months, Ethiopia was outmatched by Italy in armaments–a situation exacerbated by the fact that a League of Nations arms embargo was not enforced against Italy. Despite a valiant defense, the next six months saw the Ethiopians pushed back on the northern front and in Harerge. Acting on long-standing grievances, a segment of the Tigray forces defected, as did Oromo forces in some areas. Moreover, the Italians made widespread use of chemical weapons and air power. On March 31, 1936, the Ethiopians counterattacked the main Italian force at Maychew but were defeated. By early April 1936, Italian forces had reached Dese in the north and Harer in the east. On May 2, Haile Selassie left for French Somaliland and exile–a move resented by some Ethiopians who were accustomed to a warrior emperor. The Italian forces entered Addis Ababa on May 5. Four days later, Italy announced the annexation of Ethiopia.

On June 30, Haile Selassie made a powerful speech before the League of Nations in Geneva in which he set forth two choices–support for collective security or international lawlessness. The emperor stirred the conscience of many and was thereafter regarded as a major international figure. Britain and France, however, soon recognized Italy’s control of Ethiopia. Among the major powers, the United States and the Soviet Union refused to do so.

In early June 1936, Rome promulgated a constitution bringing Ethiopia, Eritrea, and Italian Somaliland together into a single administrative unit divided into six provinces. On June 11, 1936, Marshal Rodolfo Graziani replaced Marshal Pietro Badoglio, who had commanded the Italian forces in the war. In December the Italians declared the whole country to be pacified and under their effective control. Ethiopian resistance nevertheless continued.

After a failed assassination attempt against Graziani on February 19, 1937, the colonial authorities executed 30,000 persons, including about half of the younger, educated Ethiopian population. This harsh policy, however, did not pacify the country. In November 1937, Rome therefore appointed a new governor and instructed him to adopt a more flexible line. Accordingly, large-scale public works projects were undertaken. One result was the construction of the country’s first system of improved roads. In the meantime, however, the Italians had decreed miscegenation to be illegal. Racial separation, including residential segregation, was enforced as thoroughly as possible. The Italians showed favoritism to non-Christian Oromo (some of whom had supported the invasion), Somali, and other Muslims in an attempt to isolate the Amhara, who supported Haile Selassie.

Ethiopian resistance continued, nonetheless. Early in 1938, a revolt broke out in Gojam led by the Committee of Unity and Collaboration, which was made up of some of the young, educated elite who had escaped the reprisal after the attempt on Graziani’s life. In exile in Britain, the emperor sought to gain the support of the Western democracies for his cause but had little success until Italy entered World War II on the side of Germany in June 1940. Thereafter, Britain and the emperor sought to cooperate with Ethiopian and other indigenous forces in a campaign to dislodge the Italians from Ethiopia and from British Somaliland, which the Italians seized in August 1940, and to resist the Italian invasion of Sudan. Haile Selassie proceeded immediately to Khartoum, where he established closer liaison with both the British headquarters and the resistance forces within Ethiopia.

ETHIOPIA IN WORLD WAR II

The wresting of Ethiopia from the occupying Italian forces involved British personnel, composed largely of South African and African colonial troops penetrating from the south, west, and north, supported by Ethiopian guerrillas. It was the task of an Anglo-Ethiopian mission, eventually commanded by Colonel Orde Wingate, to coordinate the activities of the Ethiopian forces in support of the campaign. The emperor arrived in Gojam on January 20, 1941, and immediately undertook the task of bringing the various local resistance groups under his control.

The campaigns of 1940 and 1941 were based on a British strategy of preventing Italian forces from attacking or occupying neighboring British possessions, while at the same time pressing northward from East Africa through Italian Somaliland and eastern Ethiopia to isolate Italian troops in the highlands. This thrust was directed at the Harer and Dire Dawa area, with the objective of cutting the rail link between Addis Ababa and Djibouti. At the same time, British troops from Sudan penetrated Eritrea to cut off Italian forces from the Red Sea. The campaign in the north ended in February and March of 1941 with the Battle of Keren and the defeat of Italian troops in Eritrea. By March 3, Italian Somaliland had fallen to British forces, and soon after the Italian governor initiated negotiations for the surrender of the remaining Italian forces. On May 5, 1941, Haile Selassie reentered Addis Ababa, but it was not until January 1942 that the last of the Italians, cut off near Gonder, surrendered to British and Ethiopian forces.

During the war years, British military officials left responsibility for internal affairs in the emperor’s hands. However, it was agreed that all acts relating to the war effort–domestic or international–required British approval. Without defining the limits of authority, both sides also agreed that the emperor would issue “proclamations” and the British military administration would issue “public notices.” Without consulting the British, Haile Selassie appointed a seven-member cabinet and a governor of Addis Ababa, but for tactical reasons he announced that they would serve as advisers to the British military administration.

This interim Anglo-Ethiopian arrangement was replaced in January 1942 by a new agreement that contained a military convention. The convention provided for British assistance in the organization of a new Ethiopian army that was to be trained by a British military mission. In addition to attaching officers to Ethiopian army battalions, the British assigned advisers to most ministries and to some provincial governors. British assistance strengthened the emperor’s efforts to substitute, as his representatives in the provinces, experienced administrators for the traditional nobility. But such help was rejected whenever proposed reforms threatened to weaken the emperor’s personal control.

The terms of the agreement confirmed Ethiopia’s status as a sovereign state. However, the Ogaden and certain strategic areas, such as the French Somaliland border, the Addis Ababa-Djibouti railroad, and the Haud (collectively termed the “Reserved Areas”), remained temporarily under British administration. Other provisions set forth recruitment procedures for additional British advisers should they be requested. About the same time, a United States economic mission arrived, thereby laying the groundwork for an alliance that in time would significantly affect the country’s direction.

A British-trained national police administration and police force gradually took the place of the police who had served earlier in the retinues of the provincial governors. Opposition to these changes was generally minor except for a revolt in 1943 in Tigray–long a stronghold of resistance to the Shewans–and another in the Ogaden, inhabited chiefly by the Somali. British aircraft brought from Aden helped quell the Tigray rebellion, and two battalions of Ethiopian troops suppressed the Ogaden uprising. The 1942 Anglo-Ethiopian agreement enabled the British military to disarm the Somali rebels and to patrol the region.

After Haile Selassie returned to the throne in 1941, the British assumed control over currency and foreign exchange as well as imports and exports. Additionally, the British helped Ethiopia to rehabilitate its national bureaucracy. These changes, as well as innovations made by the Italians during the occupation, brought home to many Ethiopians the need to modernize–at least in some sectors of public life– if the country were to survive as an independent entity.

In addition, the emperor made territorial demands, but these met with little sympathy from the British. Requests for the annexation of Eritrea, which the Ethiopians claimed to be racially, culturally, and economically inseparable from Ethiopia, were received with an awareness on the part of the British of a growing Eritrean sense of separate political identity. Similarly, Italian Somaliland was intended by the British to be part of “Greater Somalia”; thus, the emperor’s claims to that territory were also rejected.

THE POSTWAR PERIOD, 1945-60: REFORM AND OPPOSITION

Despite criticism of the emperor’s 1936 decision to go into exile, the concept of the monarchy remained widely accepted after World War II. The country’s leaders and the church assumed that victory over the Italians essentially meant the restoration of their traditional privileges. Before long, however, new social classes stirred into life by Haile Selassie’s centralizing policies, as well as a younger generation full of frustrated expectations, clashed with forces bent on maintaining the traditional system.

CHANGE AND RESISTANCE

The expansion of central authority by appointed officials required a dependable tax base, and that in turn encroached on the established prerogatives of those who had been granted large holdings in the south and of gult-holders of the Amhara-Tigray highlands. Consequently, in March 1942, without reference to the restored parliament, the emperor decreed a taxation system that divided all land into one of three categories: fertile, semifertile, and poor. A fixed levy, depending on category, was imposed for each gasha (forty hectares) of land.

The nobles of Gojam, Tigray, and Begemdir refused to accept any limitation upon the prevailing land tenure system and successfully battled the government over the issue. The emperor acknowledged defeat by excluding those provinces from the tax. When landlords elsewhere also protested the tax, the emperor exempted them as well, contenting himself with a flat 10 percent tithe on all but church land. But this tax, traditionally collected by landlords, was simply passed on to the tenants. In short, the emperor pursued policies that did not infringe on the rights of the nobility and other large landholders. In 1951, in response to additional pressure from the landlords, Haile Selassie further reduced the land tax payable by landlords and not covered by previous exemptions; the peasant cultivator, as in centuries past, continued to carry the entire taxation burden.

Some reform was also effected within the Ethiopian Orthodox Church. In July 1948, Haile Selassie initiated steps, completed in 1956, by which he, rather than the patriarch of Alexandria, would appoint the abun, or patriarch, of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church. Thus, for the first time in sixteen centuries of Ethiopian Christianity, an Ethiopian rather than an Egyptian served as head of the national church. The Ethiopian church, however, continued to recognize the primacy of the Alexandrian see. This appointment was followed by the creation of enough new bishoprics to allow the Ethiopians to elect their own patriarch. Abuna Basilios, the first Ethiopian archbishop, was elevated to the status of patriarch in 1959. The postwar years also saw a change in the church-state relationship; the vast church landholdings became subject to tax legislation, and the clergy lost the right to try fellow church officials for civil offenses in their own court.

Acutely aware of his international image, Haile Selassie also was active on the diplomatic front. Ethiopia was a founding member of the United Nations (UN) and the Organization of African Unity (OAU). After the postwar relationship with Britain wound down, the emperor in 1953 asked the United States for military assistance and economic support. Although his dependence on Washington grew, Haile Selassie diversified the sources of his international assistance, which included such disparate nations as Italy, China, the Federal Republic of Germany (West Germany), Taiwan, Yugoslavia, Sweden, and the Soviet Union.

Administrative Change and the 1955 Constitution

In pursuit of reform, Haile Selassie faced the recalcitrance of the provincial nobility, other great landholders, and church officials–all of whom intended to maintain their power and privileges. Moreover, some provincial nobility opposed the emperor because of their own long-held claims to the throne. Whatever his intentions as a reformer, Haile Selassie was a political realist and recognized that, lacking a strong military, he had to compromise with the Amhara and Tigray nobility and with the church. And, where required, he made his peace with other ethnic groups in the empire. For example, he eventually granted autonomy over Afar areas that Addis Ababa could not dominate by armed force to the sultan of Aussa. In general, political changes were few and were compromised at the first sign of substantial opposition. In the 1950s, despite his many years as emperor and his international stature, there was almost no significant section of the Ethiopian population on which Haile Selassie could rely to support him in such efforts.

The emperor sought to gain some control over local government by placing it in the hands of the central administration in Addis Ababa. He revised the administrative divisions and established political and administrative offices corresponding to them. The largest of these administrative units were the provinces (teklay ghizats), of which there were fourteen in the mid-1960s, each under a governor general appointed directly by Haile Selassie. Each province was subdivided into subprovinces (awrajas), districts (weredas), and subdistricts (mikitil weredas). Although the structure outwardly resembled a modern state apparatus, its impact was largely dissipated by the fact that higher-ranking landed nobles held all the important offices. Younger and better educated officials were little more than aides to the governors general, and their advice more often than not was contemptuously set aside by their superiors.

The emperor also attempted to strengthen the national government. A new generation of educated Ethiopians was introduced to new enlarged ministries, the powers of which were made more specific. The emperor established a national judiciary and appointed its judges. Finally, in 1955 he proclaimed a revised constitution. Apparently, he sought to provide a formal basis for his efforts at centralization and to attract the loyalty of those who gained their livelihood from relatively modern economic activities or who were better educated than most Ethiopians.

The younger leaders were mostly the sons of the traditional elite. Having been educated abroad, they were favorably disposed toward reform and were frequently frustrated and in some cases alienated by their inability to initiate and implement it. The remnants of the small number of educated Ethiopians of an earlier generation had been appointed to high government positions. But whatever their previous concern with reform, they had little impact on traditional methods, and by the mid-1950s even this earlier reformist elite was considered conservative by the succeeding generation.

The new elite was drawn largely from the postwar generation and was generally the product of a half-dozen secondary schools operated by foreign staffs. A majority of the students continued to come from families of the landed nobility, but they were profoundly affected by the presence of students from less affluent backgrounds and by their more democratically oriented Western teachers.

The 1955 constitution was prompted, like its 1931 predecessor, by a concern with international opinion. Such opinion was particularly important at a time when some neighboring African states were rapidly advancing under European colonial tutelage and Ethiopia was pressing its claims internationally for the incorporation of Eritrea, where an elected parliament and more modern administration had existed since 1952.

The bicameral Ethiopian parliament played no part in drawing up the 1955 constitution, which, far from limiting the emperor’s control, emphasized the religious origins of imperial power and extended the centralization process. The Senate remained appointive, but the Chamber of Deputies was, at least nominally, elected. However, the absence of a census, the near total illiteracy of the population, and the domination of the countryside by the nobility meant that the majority of candidates who sought election in 1957 were in effect chosen by the elite. The Chamber of Deputies was not altogether a rubber stamp, at times discussing bills and questioning state ministers. However, provisions in the constitution that guaranteed personal freedoms and liberties, including freedom of assembly, movement, and speech, and the due process of law, were so far removed from the realities of Ethiopian life that no group or individual sought to act upon them publicly.

The Attempted Coup of 1960 and Its Aftermath

Haile Selassie’s efforts to achieve a measure of change without jeopardizing his own power stimulated rising expectations, some of which he was unwilling or unable to satisfy. Impatient with the rate or form of social and political change, several groups conspired to launch a coup d’état on December 13, 1960, while the emperor was abroad on one of his frequent trips. The leadership of the 1960 revolt came from three groups: the commander of the Imperial Bodyguard Mengistu Neway, and his followers; a few security officials, including the police chief; and a handful of radical intellectuals related to the officials, including Girmame Neway, Mengistu’s brother.

The coup was initially successful in the capital, as the rebels seized the crown prince and more than twenty cabinet ministers and other government leaders. The support of the Imperial Bodyguard, the backbone of the revolt, was obtained without informing the enlisted men–or even a majority of the officers–of the purpose of the rebels’ actions. The proclaimed intent of the coup leaders was the establishment of a government that would improve the economic, social, and political position of the general population, but they also appealed to traditional authority in the person of the crown prince. No mention was made of the emperor.

The coup’s leaders failed to achieve popular support for their actions. Although university students demonstrated in favor of the coup, army and air force units remained loyal to the emperor, who returned to the capital on December 17. The patriarch of the church, who condemned the rebels as antireligious traitors and called for fealty to the emperor, supported the loyalists. Despite the coup’s failure, it succeeded in stripping the monarchy of its claim to universal acceptance and led to a polarization of traditional and modern forces.

 


Source: Country Studies

Ethiopia: From Tewodros II to Menelik II, 1855-89 [part 2]


Washington: GPO for the Library of Congress, 1991.

Thomas P. Ofcansky and LaVerle Berry, editors.

 


Tewodros II’s origins were in the Era of the Princes, but his ambitions were not those of the regional nobility. He sought to reestablish a cohesive Ethiopian state and to reform its administration and church. He did not initially claim Solomonic lineage but did seek to restore Solomonic hegemony, and he considered himself the “Elect of God.” Later in his reign, suspecting that foreigners considered him an upstart and seeking to legitimize his reign, he added “son of David and Solomon” to his title.

Emperor Tewodros II (1855-1869). Between 1769 and 1855

Tewodros’s first task was to bring Shewa under his control. During the Era of the Princes, Shewa was, even more than most provinces, an independent entity, its ruler even styling himself negus. In the course of subduing the Shewans, Tewodros imprisoned a Shewan prince, Menelik, who would later become emperor himself. Despite his success against Shewa, Tewodros faced constant rebellions in other provinces. In the first six years of his reign, the new ruler managed to put down these rebellions, and the empire was relatively peaceful from about 1861 to 1863, but the energy, wealth, and manpower necessary to deal with regional opposition limited the scope of Tewodros’s other activities. By 1865 other rebels had emerged, including Menelik, who had escaped from prison and returned to Shewa, where he declared himself negus.

In addition to his conflicts with rebels and rivals, Tewodros encountered difficulties with the European powers. Seeking aid from the British government (he proposed a joint expedition to conquer Jerusalem), he became unhappy with the behavior of those Britons whom he had counted on to advance his request, and he took them hostage. In 1868, as a British expeditionary force sent from India to secure release of the hostages stormed his stronghold, Tewodros committed suicide.

Tewodros never realized his dream of restoring a strong monarchy, although he took some important initial steps. He sought to establish the principle that governors and judges must be salaried appointees. He also established a professional standing army, rather than depending on local lords to provide soldiers for his expeditions. He also intended to reform the church, believing the clergy to be ignorant and immoral, but he was confronted by strong opposition when he tried to impose a tax on church lands to help finance government activities. His confiscation of these lands gained him enemies in the church and little support elsewhere. Essentially, Tewodros was a talented military campaigner but a poor politician.

The kingdom at Tewodros’s death was disorganized, but those contending to succeed him were not prepared to return to the Zemene Mesafint system. One of them, crowned Tekla Giorgis, took over the central part of the highlands. Another, Kasa Mercha, governor of Tigray, declined when offered the title of ras in exchange for recognizing Tekla Giorgis. The third, Menelik of Shewa, came to terms with Tekla Giorgis in return for a promise to respect Shewa’s independence. Tekla Giorgis, however, sought to bring Kasa Mercha under his rule but was defeated by a small Tigrayan army equipped with more modern weapons than those possessed by his Gonder forces. In 1872 Kasa Mercha was crowned negusa nagast in a ceremony at the ancient capital of Aksum, taking the throne name of Yohannis IV.

Emperor Yohannes IV

Yohannis was unable to exercise control over the nearly independent Shewans until six years later. From the beginning of his reign, he was confronted with the growing power of Menelik, who had proclaimed himself king of Shewa and traced his Solomonic lineage to Lebna Dengel. While Yohannis was struggling against opposing factions in the north, Menelik consolidated his power in Shewa and extended his rule over the Oromo to the south and west. He garrisoned Shewan forces among the Oromo and received military and financial support from them. Despite the acquisition of European firearms, in 1878 Menelik was compelled to submit to Yohannis and to pay tribute; in return, Yohannis recognized Menelik as negus and gave him a free hand in territories to the south of Shewa. This agreement, although only a truce in the long-standing rivalry between Tigray and Shewa, was important to Yohannis, who was preoccupied with foreign enemies and pressures. In many of Yohannis’s external struggles, Menelik maintained separate relations with the emperor’s enemies and continued to consolidate Shewan authority in order to strengthen his own position. In a subsequent agreement designed to ensure the succession in the line of Yohannis, one of Yohannis’s younger sons was married to Zawditu, Menelik’s daughter.

In 1875 Yohannis had to meet attacks from Egyptian forces on three fronts. The khedive in Egypt envisioned a “Greater Egypt” that would encompass Ethiopia. In pursuit of this goal, an Egyptian force moved inland from present-day Djibouti but was annihilated by Afar tribesmen. Other Egyptian forces occupied Harer, where they remained for nearly ten years, long after the Egyptian cause had been lost. Tigrayan warriors defeated a more ambitious attack launched from the coastal city of Mitsiwa in which the Egyptian forces were almost completely destroyed. A fourth Egyptian army was decisively defeated in 1876 southwest of Mitsiwa.

Italy was the next source of danger. The Italian government took over the port of Aseb in 1882 from the Rubattino Shipping Company, which had purchased it from a local ruler some years before. Italy’s main interest was not the port but the eventual colonization of Ethiopia. In the process, the Italians entered into a long-term relationship with Menelik. The main Italian drive was begun in 1885 from Mitsiwa, which Italy had occupied. From this port, the Italians began to penetrate the hinterland, with British encouragement. In 1887, after the Italians were soundly defeated at Dogali by Ras Alula, the governor of northeastern Tigray, they sent a stronger force into the area.

Yohannis was unable to attend to the Italian threat because of difficulties to the west in Gonder and Gojam. In 1887 Sudanese Muslims, known as Mahdists, made incursions into Gojam and Begemdir and laid waste parts of those provinces. In 1889 the emperor met these forces in the Battle of Metema on the Sudanese border. Although the invaders were defeated, Yohannis himself was fatally wounded, and the Ethiopian forces disintegrated. Just before his death, Yohannis designated one of his sons, Ras Mengesha Yohannis of Tigray, as his successor, but this gesture proved futile, as Menelik successfully claimed the throne in 1889.

Ethiopian Emperor Menelik II

The Shewan ruler became the dominant personality in Ethiopia and was recognized as Emperor Menelik II by all but Yohannis’s son and Ras Alula. During the temporary period of confusion following Yohannis’s death, the Italians were able to advance farther into the hinterland from Mitsiwa and establish a foothold in the highlands, from which Menelik was unable to dislodge them. From 1889 until after World War II, Ethiopia was deprived of its maritime frontier and was forced to accept the presence of an ambitious European power on its borders.


Source: Country Study